نشریه مطالعات راهبردی جهان اسلام
سال بیست و دوم شماره 1 (پیاپی 85، بهار 1400)

Before the ideas of the Islamic Revolution and the Muslim Brotherhood entered the countries of North Africa, the Sufi current had deep roots in these countries. This historical aspect has been effective in accepting the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, so that after the arrival of the Islamic Revolution, this thought has had many effects in the security, intellectual and social fields in this region. Among these, the study of the reactions of North African intellectuals and elites and the reaction of the rulers to the Islamic Revolution has been different. Therefore, in this study, the reactions of the North African elites and rulers to the discourse of the Islamic Revolution have been evaluated. Finally, similar elements in North African culture with the discourse of the Islamic Revolution are emphasized..

The Muslim Brotherhood movement has once been at the forefront of Islamic movements in the Islamic world and has played a significant role in strengthening the foundations of religion and political religiosity. However, this movement has changed in the new political situation of the Arab world and in the face of the change in the approach of the Arab countries, and its political discourse and thinking changed in compare with the period of Hassan al-Banna. On the other hand, the axis of Islamic resistance defines itself as the basic elements of Islam, justice and defense of the oppressed of the world, Thus, the discourse of resistance positively defines the Islamists and justice seekers of the world as "protagonist" and the neo-colonialists like the United States, the Zionist regime and other dimensions of the system of domination as "antagonistic others". Thus the Muslim Brotherhood as a movement that is considered " protagonist " needs to be revived by the Islamic Republic of Iran to be aligned with the axis of Islamic resistance against the system of domination, if possible. The main question of this research is how can the Brotherhood's thought be reconstructed and adapted to the central ideas of the resistance? The findings of this study indicate that these two discourses have common components in terms of Islamism, fighting global arrogance and emphasizing the liberation of Holy Quds, and the axis of resistance can consider its few commonalities with the Muslim Brotherhood and enter into a dialogue with them to better provide Iran, the region and the Islamic world Interests.

The forthcoming report, entitled "The Kataeb of Hezbollah and Other Iranian Proxy Groups in Iraq," is Michael Knights' latest detailed report in this context. In general, numerous reports on Iranian proxy forces in Iraq and West Asia are published by various research centers, but attention to the recent report relies on reasons that distinguish it from other similar examples. The report is published in the latest issue of the Counter- Terrorism Center monthly magazine at the US Military Academy (known as Westpoint). Michael Knights, author of a recent report, is an Iraqi military and security expert who travels extensively to Iraq. He regularly briefs US government policymakers, congressional committees, and U.S. military officers on Iraq security issues. Knights led an expert team investigating the assassination of Martyr Soleimani, and in a pre-action summary, stressed the need for the US government to assassinate the martyr. Knights works extensively with military-security agencies in Iraq and leads intelligence-gathering teams in Iraq. He claims that he collects a large amount of information from people close to the Quds Force in Iraq, and for this purpose, he has provided a secure messenger network for the exchange of information. According to him, his recent report on Kataeb of Hezbollah also contained information about the forces and internal relations of this group and other Iraqi resistance groups that had been made public for the first time. This information was collected through interviews with unnamed individuals and, according to the author, was published through crosssharing after verification. It is important to pay attention to this report from this perspective, which informs the audience about the depth and accuracy of the awareness of the stakeholders, and on the other hand, shows their approach and analysis of the events.

Syrian Kurdish militias known as the Qassad forces, affiliated with the Democratic Union Party, are considered to be one of the indigenous actors in the region east of the Euphrates in Syria. In recent years, besides declaring peaceful coexistence with Damascus and aligning with it, and in the absence of a powerful central government in the region east of the Euphrates and reducing its presence and influence in these areas and in the light of US military and weapons support and playing the role of coalition infantry. They took the path of inherent autonomy and sought to exploit the United States' capacity to assert its rights and to objectify the Kurdish ideal of establishing a system of self-government by establishing political and military structures north and east of the Euphrates. The main reason for the Kurds to express their inherent autonomy in the region east of the Euphrates was the weakness of the central government and the reduction of its influence in the regions east of the Euphrates, and their main support in declaring this autonomy was and is the illegitimate presence of the United States. Using a descriptive-analytical method and relying on library resources, this article seeks to examine the feasibility of annexation to the Syrian government and the prospects for bilateral talks between the two sides, and what the future holds for Qassad militias in the light of the presence of American elements. In areas under their control is conceivable. The findings of the article indicate that although the Kurdish currents in the light of the presence of American elements in the region have engaged in political and military-security structure and have so far refused to interact with the central government and restore Damascus sovereignty over the region, but in the long run Considering the structural conflict between the Kurdish system of governance and the tribal system in the region and the nomadic opposition to the Kurds and the formation of local resistance against the illegitimate US presence in the region, Will be provided.

The issue of normalization of relations with the Zionists has political, economic and sociological dimensions within the Arab communities. Although this trend has increased with regional and international pressures, what stands out most is the situation of Arab communities in response to this normalization. Perhaps this sociological situation, more than any other component, has predisposed the Arab states to develop their relations with the Zionists. Of course, this situation, influenced by the structure of civil society, the government's relationship with civil society and the masses, has highlighted the passive-subordinate political culture towards the rulers in these societies. This article seeks to answer the question: what are the reasons for the lack of proper reaction of public opinion in Arab societies to the normalization of relations between some Arab states and the Zionist regime, using a descriptive-analytical method and using library and foreign sources?

The roots of the popular protests in Iraq in the last decade go back to the developments known as the Islamic Awakening in 2010, which began in the Arab world and has continued for more than 10 years and has spread to Iraq. These protests were mainly due to the inefficiency of the economic and social policies of the governments towards the people, which caused the social body to protest due to dissatisfaction with the political and economic situation and the lack of social welfare. The history of Shiite protests against the rule in Iraq has its roots in 1390, which lasted 11 months, and demonstrators protested against the lack of job opportunities, poor social services and the electricity and water crisis, and the scope of protests in addition to the capital It was extended to other southern cities and Kurdish areas of Iraq, which were generally accompanied by unrest and destruction. In general, the protesters' demands centered on prosecuting the corrupt throughout the government, amending the Iraqi constitution on the basis of the bill, ending the occupation symbols, and canceling the security agreement with the United States by the Iraqi parliament. The protest against the ruling regime in the new Iraq began with the withdrawal of American troops from the country and was stopped from 2012 to 2015 due to the threat posed to the country and the Shiites by ISIS. However, the demonstrations of 2016 were different from the protests of 1390 and 1394 due to their characteristics such as leadership, monopoly in Baghdad, and negative and violent characteristics. The slogan of the 2017 protests was freedom, justice and the rejection of violence. The demonstrations of 1397, like the protests of 1390 and 1394, lacked leadership and were almost focused on local micro and macro demands, and the protests started in Basra province and spread to other provinces of the country. The trend of protests in 1398 showed its intensity and social networks also played a significant role in holding protest demonstrations. Civil society activists and the media and civil society organizations were the main organizers of the protests, operating under various headings. Reviewing the formation process and mechanisms of development of these protests, recognizing the leadership and the demands raised during it, is important in that the incorrect attribution of social movements to unrealistic factors may greatly divert decision makers from a correct and accurate understanding of the situation. And consequently align strategic decisions and their implementation with deviation and error.